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The Persian Gulf War as Myth
Maine Peace Action Committee Newsletter, April 1991
by Doug Allen
The history of philosophy and religion
reveal two, diametrically opposed meanings of myth. Plato
and especially Aristotle, the Greek philosophers who most
defined the nature and direction of western philosophy for the
past 2,400 years, introduced our common meaning of myth as
something untrue. To label, and usually dismiss, something as a
myth, as “merely a myth.” is to regard it as an
imaginary creation that may be believed but is irrational, does
not correspond to factual and historical evidence, and is
fictitious and false. Thus, in the dominant traditional western
interpretation, philosophy and science involved the evolution
from and rejection of myth as an earlier, subjective,
nonreflective and uncritical stage of human development. Today
our ordinary use of language usually reflects that myth is
contrasted with truth and reality.
There is a second meaning of myth, much
older than classical Greek philosophy, reflecting the views of
religious people who believe myths, live myths, and are
“mythic people.” For such people, myths are special
narratives, true stories of sacred or transcendent realities;
they are to be told and retold, are usually re-enacted through
rituals and other practices, and provide an essential
foundation for the religious world.
These symbolic sacred narratives usually
involve the disclosure of ultimate meanings that to most modern
westerners seem nonrational, if not irrational. Mythic truths
allow believers to make sense of their existential crises
(suffering, meaninglessness, death, and so on), to bring a
structured order out of chaos, and to integrate themselves
within a coherent, meaningful mythic/ religious world.
Both of these meanings of myth shed light
on the U.S. reaction to its military victory over Iraq.
Myth as untruth
Twenty-five hundred years ago, the Greek
historian Herodotus wrote that “in war truth is the first
casualty.” In the present atmosphere of euphoria over the
U.S. military victory over Iraq, there are very few politicians
or members of the mass media willing to reflect on the basic
causes, consequences, or lessons of the war. There is reason to
be thankful for the very limited number of U.S. casualties, but
there is no reason to gloat. The aftermath of this war is
likely to be disastrous not only for the people of Iraq, but
also for most citizens of the United States and people abroad.
Bush and others with power, aided by their servile
functionaries in the media, have constructed an effective
mythology about the war. Briefly let’s expose three of
the biggest myths being perpetuated about the war.
Myth #1: The U.S., in fighting Iraq, stood up for freedom
and democracy. The Truth: U.S.
policy in the Persian Gulf had nothing to do with freedom and
democracy. The U.S. has been very selective in which dictators
and naked aggression it supports and which it opposes. Until
August 1990, Saddam Hussein was to a large extent a U.S. and
foreign creation, perceived by President Bush as a valuable
ally. Washington today, not having learned the lessons of what
got us into this mess, is continuing to arm and support other
Saddam Husseins. Is it not time that we develop consistent
policies opposing brutal dictators, even if they act in the
short-term interests of U.S. oil companies and arms dealers?
Shouldn’t we consistently support those struggling for
freedom and democracy?
Myth #2: There were few casualties in the war. The Truth: While U.S. casualties were light, the
sickening level of Iraqi and Arab death and destruction should
bring us no joy. The heaviest bombing in history was in reality
a slaughter, described in one military assessment as
“shooting fish in a barrel.”
Unfortunately the only way to make sense
of the lack of discomfort, sorrow, or shame over the suffering
of innocent Iraqis that is too often observed in the U.S. is to
recognize that there exists here a national chauvinism,
xenophobia, blind unthinking patriotism fueled by militaristic
euphoria, and a mean-spirited racism insensitive to the
suffering of other people. A common estimate is that
100,000 Iraqis have already died, with some estimates as high
as 300,000; and the number will probably be hundreds of
thousands more with the incredible death and suffering from the
war-caused destruction of sanitary water, food, medicine,
housing, and other necessities of life. Most of these deaths
will be to children and other innocent Iraqis. CIA “Free
Iraq’ radio broadcasts urged Kurds and Shiite Muslims to
rise up and overthrow a weakened Saddam Hussein and Iraqi
Baathist regime in Baghdad, thus contributing (if not directly
instigating) the present suffering, slaughter, and death. And
yet we, the self-righteous patriots, blindly chant
“we’re number one,” and continue to ignore
the incredible casualties and suffering, much of it U.S.-caused
and easily predicted (in the MPAC
Newsletter and many other
sources) many months before the fighting began.
Myth #3: The war was a great victory for our people. The Truth: The war was more of a carefully
orchestrated diversion from the real problems that faced the
U.S. before last August and which have not gone away. Bush and
many power interests in the U.S. were determined to have a war,
one with a decisive military victory over a Third World
country. A careful examination of historical developments
clearly reveals that a negotiated settlement, including an
Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait, was perceived by Washington
planners as a threat to derail plans for their desired military
slaughter. From late August until the January deadline, all
serious efforts at a negotiated settle meat, including
overtures from Iraq once it realized its miscalculation,
effective economic sanctions, and peace initiatives from other
Arab states, France, and the Soviet Union, were sabotaged by
Washington.
The U.S. may have serious economic and
other domestic problems, but in one area—military
strength—it is the world’s only superpower.
Therefore, it is through military strength that the U.S. has a
lever to reassert its influence, not only over Third War
countries with oil, cheap labor, and other resources, but also
over Japan, Germany, and other economic powers. The image of
the U.S. as world mercenary for hire is not a comforting one,
and the prospects for an ongoing U.S. military presence and
permanent military base In the Middle East are definitely in
the works.
This international militarization usually
hides deep domestic problems, and this was very clear in the
slaughter of Iraq. The war destroyed all hopes of a
“peace dividend” at the end of the Cold War. We
still have a record budget deficit, a deep recession, a state
budget crisis, and need for good jobs and economic development.
We still allocate about one-half of our tax dollars for
military spending. We still lack a national energy policy and
ignore environmental protection. We continue to ignore the war
on drugs, domestic violence, and educational needs. Indeed,
most of those troops returning home will face problems of
unemployment and job training, education, health care, and
affordable housing.
